The United States military is conducting bombing operations against Iran without a Congressional Declaration of War, consistently stated objectives or even terms on whether this is a war or not.
Everything is in chaos: Some of it is due to incompetence within the Trump administration, of course. According to CNN and other news outlets, just days before President Donald Trump decided to follow Israel’s lead and bomb Iran, his FBI laid off an entire team of analysts who were experts in tracking Iranians online—all because they’d also been involved previously with investigating Trump’s previous retention of classified documents in a public bathroom at his Mar-a-Lago club.
But that’s not the only reason the second Trump administration has been in such disarray. It’s almost as if the chaos is the point—if that even makes sense to say at all. The president and his top aides have little interest in coherent policies, but the Republican Party itself is less a political party than a loose coalition of people with grievances against America. Some of them are techno-fascists who literally want computers to replace humans. Then there are others who want to have a Christian theocracy. And then still there are others who think that they just want to have their country club and have low taxes.
Despite their internal disunity, Republicans have been able to weaponize discontent against modernity and to fearmonger against minority groups, particularly people who are transgender, immigrants, or racial or religious minorities.
So what can people who support democracy do in this situation? It seems so easy for politicians to just give in to the right-wing media machine. But this is not likely to work either, because while chaotic rage is what a minority of Americans want, the majority want something coherent and better.
Joining me for a free flowing discussion about all of this is a longtime friend of the show, Parker Molloy. She is a media analyst and critic who writes the Present Age newsletter, and she also formerly worked as a senior staffer at Media Matters.
The video of our conversation is available, the transcript is below. Because of its length, some podcast apps and email programs may truncate it. Access the episode page to get the full text. You can subscribe to Theory of Change and other Flux podcasts on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Amazon Podcasts, YouTube, Patreon, Substack, and elsewhere.
Audio Chapters
00:00 — Introduction
07:32 — Republican billionaires have realized that controlling media discourse is cheap
17:58 — Republicans will always call Democrats ‘socialist’ regardless of their policies
26:12 — Far-right Jews like Ben Shapiro incorrectly thought they could have sexism and racism without antisemitism
28:07 — Trump’s policy positions constantly shift because coherent policy is unimportant to reactionaries
36:48 — The UK Labour Party is a current example that running away from your policy viewpoints doesn’t work
47:49 — Durable political change follows cultural change
01:00:30 — Glenn Youngkin and the myth that voters are obsessed with hating trans people
01:06:23 — Liberals and progressives must move beyond criticizing others
Audio Transcript
The following is a machine-generated transcript of the audio that has not been proofed. It is provided for convenience purposes only.
MATTHEW SHEFFIELD: I feel like we keep having a continued conversation because nothing that we talk about ever changes for the better it seems.
PARKER MOLLOY: No, every, everything keeps getting slightly worse, just keeps edging towards the horrible.
SHEFFIELD: Yeah. Although I will I will say, at least at the grassroots level, I do feel like a lot of people have been learning a lot more. So like, like with Donald Trump announcing his bombing campaign against Iran. People automatically are against it. And that’s, I mean, a majority.
Yeah. I think the most recent bull I saw I had that was like 25% support it. So this is, there’s some good progress on the citizen side of
MOLLOY: Yes. Now the question though is it’s just like how does that I’m just very interested, like when it comes to, the, support for Trump, Trump’s bombing and stuff like that. [00:04:00] It’s one of those times where democrats, I feel like they have a real opportunity to stake out the anti-war lane.
And I kind of worry like there are clearly some democrats who are very much pro. War with Iran, like John Fetterman clearly wants to keep bombing, Moscowitz, he’s the one who he opposes the war powers resolution because he called it the Ayatollah Protection Act.
It’s one of the, one of those things, where it’s like, Yeah.
there are some pro-war democrats here who maybe don’t want to sound pro-war, which is why they’re kind of like dancing around a little bit. But overall, I think that now is a good time to, stake out the anti-war lane if, if there is ever an opportunity to do so.
It’s right now, it’s before the public gets on board with, this. If they do, instead of seeding the conversation to, to Republicans to be like, well, clearly Iran, the regime is evil and we have to, had to do something.
SHEFFIELD: Yeah. Well, and it is, I mean, it’s a, it is a welcome contrast in many ways to the Iraq war because it, at least with the second Iraq war, the Bush administration they cared enough to lie about it
MOLLOY: Yeah. I feel like we’re not even getting lied to anymore. They’re, or they’re, they’re not bothering to lie in a convincing way anymore. They’re not making a case. I did see some I can’t remember where I saw it, but someone called the administration’s response to all of this, war slap, which is basically, ‘cause Trump’s been like calling up reporters.
Every major outlet and weirdly giving them all different stories about like how long he plans to be there, whether he’s planning, boots on the ground
SHEFFIELD: the [00:06:00] objective
MOLLOY: yeah. What, why he did it. You have Marco Rubio saying like, yeah, we had to do this because Israel was going to attack Iran anyway.
And so yeah.
we kind of ha it made sense for us to go in at that moment. And it’s like, and then today Trump’s like, absolutely not. They didn’t get me to go and do anything. I didn’t want to. It’s, I feel like the whole point is just to throw everything out there And to see what sticks. Like
SHEFFIELD: Yeah.
MOLLOY: one, one of my, one of my favorite things with the war right now is on one hand you have some Republicans saying we’re not at war.
Where is the, what Congress hasn’t voted for war. This is not a war, this is.
a military action. Like whatever euphemism they wanna use. And then you have other Republican members of Congress who are like, this war has been going on for 47 years and we are ending it. It’s like, so, so it’s also, it’s a war that’s been going on forever, but it’s also not a war.
And if you think about it, it’s like, the last time that the United States formally declared war on a country was World War ii. So it, like, does Mark Wayne Mullen actually believe that we haven’t been in a war since World War ii? I don’t think so, but I think he thinks that it’s a winning message.
Republican billionaires have realized that controlling media discourse is cheap
SHEFFIELD: Yeah, well, and doesn’t seem to be that way so far, so that’s good. But you know, it, it goes back to though the idea of shaping opinion. And that is why I think we’ve seen so much recent consolidation of media by right wing oligarchs. And in particular, the most recently, the acquisition of Paramount by David Ellison and Larry Ellison, his dad and who are strong Israel supporters and [00:08:00] Netanyahu supporters.
We have to point that out. Now it looks like they have the prevailing bid, which they got. Through working with Trump in the most corrupt and blatant fashion I’ve ever seen for any sort of corporate acquisition. And to to buy the company Warner Brothers. And so now they wanna get, so they got CBS news, now they want CNN but the ratings are just going down the toilet every time they do it.
So that’s at least a good thing
MOLLOY: Yeah I do think that they’re trying, it’s, it, a big part of this is to just, even if the ratings tank and even if, like, I feel like cable news and like legacy media as a whole is a struggling field, right. Right now and is probably only gonna get more difficult as time goes on.
Which, when it comes to like, Paramount’s to buy Warner Brothers, I thought it was interesting that they wanted to bid for all of Warner Brothers instead of or all of Warner Brothers discovery. Instead of just waiting for CNN to split off and buy it separately. Like, I think they realize that the movie studios where the money’s at, and, owning all that IP is where the money’s at, like. Using CNN as a propaganda arm is kind of just like, that’s not gonna make money for them in the long run, but it will accomplish a different goal which is also, you also have Larry Ellison involved in the purchase of TikTok. So,
SHEFFIELD: true too. Yeah.
MOLLOY: You’ve got that, and obviously you have Elon Musk with Twitter and Mark Zuckerberg has been getting cozy with Trump over the past few years.
And, it’s, there’s a real, like, big right wing takeover of media and communications services and it’s, I feel like that’s gonna be a big story in the coming years. Like, how people who aren’t part of that bubble, [00:10:00] who aren’t who aren’t Barry Weiss, who aren’t, con conservative podcasters and stuff, like how the rest of us kind of get our news and get our information and what that means in the years to come, because there was like that recent there was a recent study about how being on Twitter basically pushes you to the right, it’s like you’re, and it’ll ha like I’ll open Twitter because I look at it to keep track of what’s going on in the world, or what like powerful people are saying.
And yeah, it’s a cesspool you get bombarded with a lot of really extreme content that’s supposed to make you feel a very certain way. And I think that’s what tiktoks gonna totally turn into. Maybe not as sloppy as Twitter. ‘cause Elon Musk is. S sloppy like, maybe it won’t be as obvious, but, even the more gentle propagandists, at Paramount are showing their hand a little bit.
You had, you had Barry Weiss the other day retweeting a video of someone like getting in like a weird insult at Zoran Momani. She like retweeted that with like a fire emoji. And the Twitter account for 60 minutes straight up said that Iran has nuclear weapons, which is literally no one is saying that, like the Trump administration is not even making that claim, but they put that out there and you have journalists jumping ship and saying like, I feel like I don’t have editorial independence anymore. It’s grim.
SHEFFIELD: well it is and it’s like it is in some ways like the. The old order had to die in some way or another. And I wish it was not this way. But, maybe it is that way. And the weird thing though [00:12:00] is that with this whole consolidation and, trying to manipulate opinion and manufacture consent for war, which I mean, this is like a cliche of Noam Chomsky, which,
MOLLOY: He’s someone who my opinion of has shifted a bit in recent months especially.
SHEFFIELD: Yeah. I know, right? He had one, a couple of good ideas, but a lot of really bad, and Ben wants, but but my point being though, like the other weird thing about the way that these conservatives are taking over media is they don’t seem to understand that they’re on the right.
Like people like Barry Weiss or David Ellison, like a lot of these people. They actually call themselves liberals. And people who are progressive, I think, contribute to that problem by using the word reactionary centrist, no, these people are just conservatives. Okay. Sam Harris, conservative Barry Weis, conservative.
These are not centrist. There’s no such thing as an informed centrist. They don’t exist. So please stop saying that they do.
MOLLOY: Yeah that’s really interesting. And I have noticed that, I mean, it was interesting because like, I don’t know, it was like 10 years ago, eight years ago, somewhere around there, like you had was a big time for like a lot of the conservative, like the intellectual dark web types, the, oh, they’re not conservative.
They’re classical liberals, like they’re heterodox.
like that was the whole, the whole thing. It was this, it was this pretty deliberate attempt to frame themselves, not on the right but as the true middle. Elon Musk will come around and be like, he will promote something that was, like the reform party in the uk. Which they’re to the right of the Tories. he’ll be like, I don’t see what’s far right about this party.
Their, all their views seem very very sensible, very, I mean, I consider myself, he always, he loves to say he considers himself [00:14:00] a moderate, which is just. Flat out not true. He’s not moderate on anything. He will he’ll show up in like doing, video he’ll video in for in, what’s the German far right party?
A FD like, and he’ll be like their views seem perfectly normal and fine. And I don’t understand why people call them far. Right. Why don’t they call, and then he’ll argue that someone like Chuck Schumer is far left, it’s like, I don’t know, man. I feel like you’re kind of, you’re kind of trying to the Overton window, and I know that like, that gets talked about a lot, but, just trying to shift what people consider to be. A moderate opinion is, and I re I remember years and years ago when there, there was a whole thing with, when Candace Owens started hanging out with Kanye West, there was a Twitter trending topic that said, far right influencer Candace Owens.
And she got so mad about that. She was like, I’m not far right. I’m I’m just I’m in the middle. I’m, I’m a little right of center or whatever. Like, however it was that she was trying to like frame her views. And you and Jack Dorsey, who is still the CEO at the time, he reached out to her and he followed her on Twitter and he fixed it and he said, this will never happen again.
And you had conservatives pointing to that as evidence that Twitter was biased against conservatives. It’s all the project, a certain narrative to shift, to try to shift the public’s understanding of where various people on, the political spectrum are.
SHEFFIELD: And it’s like when you look at the Trump administration or reform in the UK or any of these other far right parties, they don’t really have coherent policy arguments. it’s all about, well, my views are common sense, like this just makes sense. and so [00:16:00] therefore, policing what the possibility corridor is or the Overton window, that’s really the, that is their number one argument that while these ideas are just right.
Your ideas are communists. Every, like Trump has now started using the word communist all the time, like referring to Democrats who are, have it literally expressed opposition to, not even single payer healthcare, but like national health insurance of some kind. He calls them a communist which is ludicrous.
But, if you don’t know very much about political ideology or whatever, it’s, it apparently at least has some effectiveness. And if you can control the platforms, then I think you know that, and that is why they’ve realized that, we’re gonna do this, but it just isn’t working because, these arguments, like this is, this was one of the problems that I had as a, when I was conservative, that, I was, I would say to my colleagues, I’d be like, okay, can we please have some arguments for our ideas here. Like, I want to see an argument for why, because you always say tax cuts always increase revenue. Well, show me math that says that so I can put it into a column. Or if you don’t have math that says that then don’t, then you can’t say that. Like, I would say that to writers who I was editing and, and they just would say, oh, you’re being negative, Matt you’re being negative.
And I was like, well, no, I’m actually trying to be factual. But that’s not what they want. And you just see that over and over, like with this Iran stuff, everything is that there’s no stated reason. There’s no real goal. Like, so now they’re not even saying that they want regime change, whatever that means.
They don’t even talk about that anymore. So, so we’re literally just bombing them
MOLLOY: Just bombing, bombing for fun, got a, what’s that? That old Simpsons got a nuke, someone, like, yeah with that
Republicans will always call Democrats ‘socialist’ regardless of their policies
MOLLOY: there was [00:18:00] something in the 2020 Democratic primary that I, I think a lot about which is, it was during one of the debates, it was Pete Buttigieg, was early in the primary. And he, he said something to the effect of, look, if we run on a bunch of far left policies, Republicans are gonna call us a bunch of crazy socialists, and if we run on a bunch of moderate policies, Republicans are gonna call us a bunch of crazy socialists. So why don’t we just run on whatever we actually believe and let that fall where it may, because they’re gonna, they’re gonna attack us for the exact same reason every time.
Which I think is why the argument that, oh, Kamala Harris was too far to the left. Like I’ve, I’ve seen some of the like, the third way type think tanks be like, well, you’ll notice that Trump didn’t attack her for being too moderate. It’s like, in what world would he, like, like any, he, if he was running against.
Ted Cruz, he would say Ted Cruz is far left. like he, he would make some sort of a argument to that effect. he, it’s, it doesn’t matter. It, you could take anyone and the playbook is gonna still be the same because, attack. Oh, Dems are socialists.
Okay. I mean, that’s, it’s a, it’s a label. You can apply to anyone, but I don’t think that. It’s accurate in any real way, and there’s no policy. there same thing happened with the border in 2024. You had Kamala Harris running ads being like, we’re gonna be so tough on the border. Like Trump, Trump is actually the weak one on the border.
We’re gonna be tough. We’re, we’re to, we’re pushing to his right. He blocked a bill that we all support, which was basically like the Trump 2016 immigration [00:20:00] policies. Like we’re, we’re doing that. Like Democrats were still attacked as being open borders, which. There’s not been a single open borders Democrat in power.
I mean, when, when Obama was in office, I remember there being, he did a press conference at the border where he’s, where he was saying like, look I’ve agreed to all, all these Republican policy proposals. I’ve I’ve given funding to border patrol and all of this. And he joked, he’s like, what?
What will they want next? A moat? And it was like the next week in Congress. Joe Walsh during his term in office, when he was still a tea party guy, he jokingly went up there with like a stuffed alligator and he was like, yes, we would like a moat. It’s like,
SHEFFIELD: Well, and Obama actually deported more people than Trump did.
MOLLOY: Yeah. He got a
SHEFFIELD: Even now, like his rate is gonna be less than Obama.
MOLLOY: And I still, and you’ll still see some Democrats be like, we were actually more efficient when it came to deporting people, which is not what I think a lot, like my personal, like, policy views on immigration are not, like, I don’t see that and go, oh, yay. Like, that doesn’t make me happy. Like I, I think it’s expected and it’s accurate, but at the same time it’s like, man who is this message for? Because Republican voters are still gonna think that Republicans are
SHEFFIELD: Tougher
MOLLOY: To the right of Democrats on immigration or any other policy. And one of the things that I’ve been thinking about as it concerns the, the current bombing campaign that Trump has going on is that.
In 2004, you had John, like, the way that John Kerry ran for president, president in 2004 I thought was really interesting because [00:22:00] his big argument wasn’t that the war in Iraq was wrong and that it needed to end. It was that it was being mismanaged. Like he was still trying to do the thing where he is like, he’s like, okay I’ll agree that, we should be there and we should be doing something, but I would do it better.
I would do it more efficient. And in doing that you had re Republican voters just being like, no, he won’t, not believing him. And you had, you had like anti-war voters who. Would vote Democrat, who were just turned off by all this, are who were just like, I, no, I want you to be anti-war. I want you to oppose the war in there.
Not try to triangulate some, some middle ground that, that probably doesn’t exist. And, and the, the tricky thing about this is that the longer you’re in a war, the harder it is to just be like, yeah, no, we should we, we need to get out and we need to end it. Because the, then you have what happened with Afghanistan during the Biden administration where it was like chaotic withdrawal and things immediately got worse in Afghanistan and he got piled on for that.
And that’s why when it comes to what’s happening in Iran, Iran right now, it’s like they gotta find an off ramp immediately, otherwise. This is just gonna be something where we’re, we’re gonna get stuck there and there’s gonna, there’s gonna be backlash and there, there’s gonna be blow back. And who, who knows who we’re gonna radicalize, in, in doing that, I mean, there was like, there was a tweet from, I can’t remember who it was, it was someone on Twitter.
It was at the, at the start of the, after October 7th, 2023. It [00:24:00] was as Israel was like bombing Gaza. Like when that started someone, someone said on Twitter it was like, Hey if I was, a Palestinian living in Gaza and. And Israel just killed, bombed and killed my whole family and destroyed the entire, area and in, in, in, in effort to wipe out Hamas.
Like I would grow up and the first thing I’d wanna do is start Hamas too. like you’re basically, yeah, you’re radicalizing people and, and maybe entire generations of people and you’re, making the US an unreliable partner. The fact that Trump ripped up the, the nuclear agreement with Iran, like why would they ever trust us?
There were con, there were, negotiations that were happening very recently and Iran seemed be to be, participating in them, but then. We just go in and take out like their entire leadership and like, I
SHEFFIELD: think that’s gonna make them more
MOLLOY: yeah. Well, and then, I saw a story yesterday. It was just like, Iran not interested in negotiating.
It’s like, Yeah. No. Crap. You, like, I
SHEFFIELD: Or even if they were like, why would, like, how could you trust that they would be, like they were betrayed by the United States in terms of negotiation. So why wouldn’t you pretend to, have some sort of treaty and then just violate it as much as you could if you were them?
Like it makes sense
MOLLOY: like that’s the thing. It’s all of this stuff is gonna do so much damage to the reputation of the United States for decades to come. The fact that. Trump wasn’t kept out of office after his first term, like the fact that he came back into power. I think it sent a really [00:26:00] strong message to the world that it’s just like, no, that wasn’t some weird aberration.
This is just like who the United States might be every four to eight years now. Like, because
SHEFFIELD: gets a little bit, yeah,
Far-right Jews like Ben Shapiro incorrectly thought they could have sexism and racism without antisemitism
MOLLOY: Yeah, because you, I think it I think it’s interesting that a lot of the people who were on the, on, on the far right during Trump’s, like first term are now like the influencers, like you, like Ben Shapiro, like he got really big during Trump’s first term.
And then, like if you fast forward to today. He his videos aren’t doing so well anymore. He’s losing audiences and the viewers are going to more extreme people than him. And he was the guy who he said, there’s no such thing as, he said, there is no such thing as like a reasonable Muslim.
He was saying that more than half of the, Muslims on the planet were radicalized and that we should fear them. Like people now look at him and they’re like, oh, he’s some squishy centrist type, and the people on the right who’ve migrated to Nick Fuentes and Candace Owens, and, Yeah.
Tucker Carlson, who, like it’s, I, I don’t think that, unless things go really, unless things really blow up in Trump’s face, between now and, 2028 especially, it’s like I feel like the Republican party may continue to just veer off in that direction and, won’t, moderate back to something more like, Jeb Bush.
Like, imagine the Republicans like cons, even considering a Jeb Bush candidacy in like now, or someone who had the identical policies of Jeb Bush, like it’s laughable pe like, and I think it’s really just kind of speaks to how they have successfully [00:28:00] gotten their own base, at least to, to shift further to the extremes.
Trump’s policy positions constantly shift because coherent policy is unimportant to reactionaries
SHEFFIELD: Yeah. Well, and it does go back to the Overton window issue. But, and that’s why the conservatives like Barry Weiss, they should be focusing their efforts on attacking the far right, but they really don’t, they spend most of their time attacking the left, which of course is because they’re on the right.
But nonetheless, it isn’t going to help them in the long run because, the Republican Party. The only way out of this is if they get electorally, defeated in such a horribly horrible way for them. Like, like, Barry Goldwater, Barry Goldwater was the last honest Republican to come to actually run on what they wanted to do.
And magically Americans did not like it. They were horrified by it. And and you’re seeing that with the Trump second administration, that he’s doing all the things that Barry Goldwater wanted. And of course people hate them. But when he was renting, he was not telling the people who, like half, probably about half the Trump voters had no idea what his positions were like.
He, they literally had no idea what his views were.
MOLLOY: that was the thing in I, in 2020 his campaign website just straight up didn’t have an issues page.
SHEFFIELD: Yeah. And they had no platform at
MOLLOY: There was No plan. yeah. There was no plan for a second term. It was just like, gonna keep doing what I’m doing and vote for me, and you’ll see what happens.
And you c and then in the 2024, you had him you had the Heritage Foundation come out there and they’re like, we got project 2025 for you right here. And immediately people were horrified by, seeing these policies laid out, which they’ve done that before. They’ve had these, those reports for years.
And and Trump in his first term, enacted a lot of the recommendations, when he could.
SHEFFIELD: Well, and then Trump lied and said, oh I’m not affiliated with that, even though it was co-written by the guy who [00:30:00] was my budget
MOLLOY: Yeah. Yeah. He’s like, no. That’s, yeah. I, he called, I think he said, yeah, that was written by like some people on the severe, right. and I remember one of the things was like, Yeah, Republicans trump’s, if Trump gets back into power he’s gonna, he’s gonna ban all the people of associated with Project 25, 25 from being in his administration.
It’s just like, immediately after getting elected, he starts working directly with these people and incorporating them into his administration. And I it really kind of speaks to the fact that candidates, especially I think Republican candidates can’t really run on what they want to do because the individual policies tend to be pretty unpopular unless you’re, picking at like a. Like attacking trans rights, like they’ve successfully shifted public opinion on trans rights to where maybe that works to their advantage. And so they can talk about like what they’ll want to do to trans people. But you know, like a lot of things like Trump, Trump never once mentioned, I want to annex Greenland.
Like during the campaign,
SHEFFIELD: I want to bomb. In fact he said, Kamala Harris will go to war with Iran if you elect her.
MOLLOY: Exactly. He was just, there his big policy positions, it was always funny. He would be like no Tax on tips. It’s like, okay that’s your, that’s one of your big policies. Okay. Even though it’s like, right, fine. Like,
SHEFFIELD: And even attacking trans people, like, there are basically no trans people in America. So, whatever policy, no matter how terrible or how great it would be toward trans people, not really going to affect anyone who’s, who is cisgender. Like, that’s the reality. So it’s not gonna put money in your pocket.
It’s not gonna, help you afford a home. It’s not gonna give you a better education. It’s [00:32:00] not gonna do any of those things for you. And
MOLLOY: I do think that the one policy that, that he kind of, you, there actually, there are two, two things he said he was going to do during his campaign that I think that he is pretty much followed through on. One was be really obsessed with tariffs. Like, like he really got into that. And two was mass deportations.
Like, but as we’ve, mentioned, it’s just like Democrats were. Just as effective. They were just quieter about it. there weren’t, you didn’t have, as many instances of things like ice gunning down people in the streets. But, other than that, you kind of hit it. And I think one thing that’s interesting in watching kind of the consultant class of the Democratic party how they’re operating is their, one of their takeaways from 2024 was, oh, we shouldn’t say what we believe we should.
like, there we, oh, Kamala Harris, filled out an A CLU questionnaire that’s, that asked her about her beliefs on civil liberties issues. She shouldn’t have done that, which is so, like, I understand that from a strategy point of view, but. I think it’s bad that the conventional wisdom now seems to be like, candidates should not tell you what they, what they will do if given power candidates should just say, trust me.
Trust me, it’ll be fine. I’ll, project your own views onto me. And that’ll be great because it’s easy when you, when you don’t say what you, what you believe in. And people can just go, Yeah.
Trump’s only gonna round up the criminals and he’s only gonna do this or that.
And the, a lot of times it’s not things that Trump actually said or anything like that. It was just like, [00:34:00] that was what people believed and they projected their own beliefs onto Donald Trump as people project their beliefs onto others all the time. So it might make sense for Democratic candidates to not respond to 20 page questionnaires that ask about whether trans people in prison should have access to healthcare or not. Maybe but I think it’s a bad thing for democracy as a whole when there, there seems to be this shift away from like actually saying what you believe because it’s more advantageous to to just lie.
SHEFFIELD: Yeah. Well, and the thing is though, that viewpoint that campaign strategy, it isn’t actually going to work for people on the center to left. And it’s something that is inherent to reaction is, which is of course the more extreme form of conservatism. And I’m gonna, there’s a famous quote from Jean Paul Sartre, which he was talking about anti-Semitism and why it doesn’t make sense.
And so I’m gonna just read it here for those who haven’t seen it. So he says:
Never believe that anti-Semites are completely unaware of the absurdity of their replies. They know that their remarks are frivolous and open to challenge. They are amusing themselves for it is their adversary who is obliged to use words responsibly since he believes in words. The antisemites have a right to play. They even like to play with discourse for, by giving ridiculous reasons, they discredit the seriousness of their interlocutors.
that’s Donald Trump right there. That’s Donald Trump described right around world War ii. And so it’s, so, this is a inherent anti rational, anti-institutional, anti reason anti society.
It is a sociopathic, revolt, personal revolt against reality. And that is why they can get away with these [00:36:00] things. If you believe in something. You can’t do that. And this is what the broader consultant class in, in the Democratic party doesn’t get they don’t understand that, the right will always, the reason why they keep talking about, culture war issues is that they don’t have policies that, or they don’t have policies that they want you to hear about.
And so your goal, if you’re going to oppose them, is tell people about their actual policies, have enough platforms in which your factual statements can be seen, and then propose good policies. So you have to do all of those three things. If you don’t do all of those three things, then it’s not going to work.
You can’t say, well, I’m just gonna do two or one.
The UK Labour Party is a current example that running away from your policy viewpoints doesn’t work
SHEFFIELD: Like the u the UK Labor Party right now. Like we’re seeing what happens if you just try to say, well, let’s concede this one issue of trans rights or immigration. Because the reality is the issue is never the issue. So, so whatever your position is, it’s a communist position.
Like as you were saying, Pete Buttigieg, picked it up that like, so whatever you say, it doesn’t matter to, to the people who have a psychological need to oppose modernity.
MOLLOY: Yeah. Yeah, I mean, absolutely. And I think that, I think the, one of the big warnings about, like. In 2024. 2024, you had, in the UK the Labor Party won and in a, it was a landslide victory. And I think people attributed it to them. Like there were a lot, this happens a lot where you have people who write about politics for a living, who have, more moderate views who, who kind of say, well, clearly they won Because they a, adopted the views that I believe, the views that I [00:38:00] personally agree with.
And so, so there was a lot of stuff where it was, I remember the Labor Party had people come and meet with the Democrats to talk to them about strategy after their big win. But. The real reason they won was that they weren’t the conservative party. That they weren’t the party that was in power and people were just mad about the current leadership in the country.
They could have run, they could have run the most extreme, like as far left as they could have. They could have brought back Jeremy Corbin to, to be the leader and to adopt his, his policy. He would’ve won probably like I, I think. And labor got when he ran and lost in the general election before that he ended up like more people turned out to vote for labor than they did.
In 2024. But because they had this giant sweeping victory, people assumed that, well, it must be because they have pop, they pick popular policies, but then they get into office and they start actually implementing these policies. and people hate it. And they’re the response has been mostly to move more further to the right.
And this is the nominally liberal party over there. It’s the, they’re supposed to be center left, that’s supposed to be their lane, but they keep moving to the right and they’re trying to out, out reform basically. And it’s just not, I don’t think, I don’t think that can work because people are always gonna go for the real thing.
They’re always, if you try to appeal to fascists. The fascist, the voters who, who like fascist policies are just gonna vote for the real fascists. The re
SHEFFIELD: Because they want fascism.
MOLLOY: yeah the,
SHEFFIELD: They don’t want your policy.
MOLLOY: Exactly like it. They don’t [00:40:00] necessarily care about, whatever little policies here or there. They want to, wanna cut down on immigration and they want to impose their will on society and to take control of all this stuff.
And it’s just it’s just sad to see some some bigger name Democrats kind of float, like see that, and still think that’s the way to go. Because the lesson from the UK in electing a more moderate labor party. Ended up being, or the l rather the lesson in the UK of the labor party moving to the right and then winning was that an even more extreme right wing party was gonna swoop in and win the next election.
Like labor’s absolutely gonna lose, and it’s almost certainly gonna be, not the conservatives, but reform that takes power after that. And I think one of, one of my fears is that if Democrats as a whole, move to the center, try to moderate their policies and triangulate their way to victory, you might just have, a situation where they’re in power for four years and then something even more extreme comes along.
And I think that’s I think that’s what we got by. 2000, going with Joe Biden, who was seen as the moderate, one of the most moderate options that was available during the 2020 election. And Biden gets into office and he’s still pretty moderate. He had some, like, he had some progressive economic policies that, that people seem to generally like, but in the end he didn’t keep Trump out.
And in the end we got something. Trump too is far more extreme than Trump won. And I think that we [00:42:00] risk, that maybe Democrats win in 2028 if they moderate on a bunch of issues. But all that does is that shifts the Overton window if, because people are going to keep saying Democrats are socialists and they’re far left and all of this, but. It just might not be true. And in response, you’re gonna get some more extreme right wing governance, which is gonna be, if you ask me back in 2016 when Trump first got elected, one of my, one of my fears was like as a trans person, I was very afraid of what the administration would do.
And, it was like my, like worst case scenario that I could picture was like, okay, what if what if the federal government doesn’t enforce Title IX to protect trans. People anymore in schools or title doesn’t enforce federal protections for trans people using Title vii.
Like, those were kind of like the things that the big worries I had, fast forward to today, and it’s like, it’s the federal government’s official policy.
The trans people just don’t exist. that was Trump’s big day one, executive order. And then you have states trying to one up each other to see how extreme they can push this, because they know the federal government’s gonna just kind of let ‘em do what they wanna do, and the courts aren’t gonna stop them.
So, you’ve got right now, last week in, or last week or the week before, I can’t remember, time flies. You’ve got in Kansas, like they, they passed a law that invalidated trans people’s driver’s licenses. And.
SHEFFIELD: Basically
MOLLOY: immediately, Gave them no
SHEFFIELD: you couldn’t move or do something.
MOLLOY: Yeah.
And because the licenses were invalidated and not like there was something about the process involved because they were invalidated. There was it flags something in a, in a federal system [00:44:00] to where if you go to an another state and like, let’s say someone moved the very next day and was like, I’m getting out of Kansas.
I’m gonna move to Illinois where I can get a driver’s license that has my correct gender on it and my name and everything like that. Like, because their license has been like invalidated. Flags it in the system, and it becomes almost impossible to just update it. Like you had to go through the process of getting a new license in Kansas that had the wrong gender on it.
And in, in all it turned out that there were something like 300 people who this affected. And it was a law that was passed as an emergency. And I think that’s like stuff like, that’s really scary because it happens, it doesn’t get a ton of news because there’s so much other chaos going on. Like CNN is not covering the story about Kansas, like the New York Times, like they did.
I think they maybe do like a single writeup of it, but that’s just kind of it. There’s no, it’s not like. Being treated like a crisis because it affects few, very few people and because there are bigger things going on. And in 2020 at the beginning of COVID, I remember one of the, one of the things that started to happen as, you had republican state legislatures that were like, I think they all, like, everyone kind of knew you had to do something about COVID.
You you had to pass some policies and you had to, you couldn’t just not take any action on anything. So instead of doing that, instead of actually addressing the problems of, COVID and trying to manage them in the best way they could, because, a lot of states were basically like, Yeah. we’re not gonna have any rules and it’s just gonna be free for all and good luck.
You had states that where schools were not in session, [00:46:00] because COVID sports, school sports were definitely not happening. And yet there were, that was when the big push to start banning trans kids from playing high school sports and grade school sports started like really got kicked into gear was during COVID when the schools were shut down and sports weren’t happening, they would go in there and they would pass these bills that were ex, they would flag them as like emergency bills that need to go into effect immediately.
And, the rest of the world wasn’t really paying attention to what was happening. So they kind of were able to more or less push these things through. Democrats would vote against it. But in a lot of these states, that doesn’t really matter because, in Kansas, for instance, there’s a democratic governor who vetoed the bill, but.
It, that veto got o you know, they overwrote the veto. But like the only hope of pushback when you don’t have the votes on your side is that there will be media coverage. That there will be, boycotts of the state or something like that, which is what you saw in 2016 when North Carolina dipped its toes into the anti-trans laws.
Which looking at that, like that law compared to like what’s going on in states right now is so, I’m sure there are people who would look at that and go, that’s pretty moderate. That’s pretty, oh it was a bathroom ban in federal or in state-owned buildings.
That’s not a huge deal. That’s, why isn’t that everywhere? But it was a huge thing to where there was backlash and you had the NBA All-Star game was supposed to be in Charlotte and had to move because people were boycotting North Carolina and all of this. But like now the state implements these like laws and
SHEFFIELD: Yeah.
MOLLOY: everyone shrugs and it just kind of goes, okay.
Durable political change follows cultural change
SHEFFIELD: Yeah. Well, and I will say that, on the issue of trans rights, that I think the advocates for didn’t learn enough from the battle for same-sex marriage [00:48:00] because that battle was won in the legal and political sectors after it was won in the cultural sectors. And that’s, whereas with trans rights, I think people, a lot of people were like, okay, yeah, all right, we got, we got the marriage rights now, marriage equality, okay, now let’s immediately go to trans rights through legislation and all this other stuff.
And it’s like. Right. At this point a lot of people didn’t even know that trans people existed.
MOLLOY: Yeah.
SHEFFIELD: that, and because it, you didn’t see trans representation in media. And so
MOLLOY: and the, the thing about
SHEFFIELD: You can’t win. Sorry. So you can’t win politically if you haven’t made, you have, when you’re making a, an argument for progressive change, there is an unfortunate, somatic discomfort with anything new and unfamiliar, and that has to be overcome, and it can only be overcome through personal interventions and cultural interventions.
First.
MOLLOY: And that’s the tricky thing. It is. Because, after the marriage equality ruling in 2015, all of the anti, all of the conservative anti-marriage equality groups, like, they kind of regrouped and they were like, we need to pivot to something we can win and we need to aim our firepower at that.
And so they kind of shifted to, okay, we’re gonna go after trans people. Because there, like there haven’t actually been a lot of big like, pushes for protran laws. Like a lot of the bills that get introduced in states, that are protran are like just sort of protecting against like things being taken away.
SHEFFIELD: Crimination.
MOLLOY: yeah. Like anti-discrimination laws, but like. It was kind of basically there, there were only two states in the entire, in 2018, there were only two states in the entire country that where trans person couldn’t, under any circumstances, update their [00:50:00] birth certificate. Which is kind of crazy to think about right now.
Like, we didn’t advance from that to like, okay, now every state can it, it went from like, okay, only two states block you from doing this. Like other states had, the more conservative states would have like, really strict requirements on like surgery and what kind of surgery you need to have before you can update your documents or something like that.
But yeah it went backwards fast. It was a lot of people realizing, like learning for the first time what existing policy was. Then being like, oh, I don’t like that. I, oh wait, you mean they can, they’ve been able to use the same bathroom as me for decades. Oh, I don’t like that. We gotta change that.
It was a lot of that. And the suddenly trans people became hyper exposed in media and it wasn’t really something that trans people as a whole, I can’t speak for trans people as a whole, but most trans people I know weren’t like. Super thrilled when Time Magazine was like the transgender tipping point because you had a single trans woman on a Netflix streaming show, which that was when people did not watch TV shows on Netflix.
There were like a total, there was House of Cards and there was Oranges, the New Black and like one other one out there. These were not like, huge things. And you had, because you had one trans woman as a recurring character on a TV show. Time Magazine was like, congrats guys. You did it. And then you had ca, Caitlyn Jenner coming out probably made things so much worse because she’s just a disaster of a human being. And and it made things really difficult because for a like a year there, or year two, three. You had media outlets trying to [00:52:00] raise up to be like, here’s this group that people don’t understand.
You should learn more about them. And we, we’ll amplify trans voices and stuff like that. But then Donald Trump takes office and around 20 17, 20 18, all of that stuff kind of fades because the chaos of Trump won is happening. And you start to see more anti-trans focus in media, and not as much, like positive representation out there.
Because I mean, growing up. The only trans representation there ever was like the Jerry Springer show and the movie Ace Ventura Pet Detective. So, where the villain is outed as a trans woman at the end. And then Ace Ventura by, played by Jim Carrey because he had like kissed her earlier in the movie.
He has a scene where he vomits for like three minutes straight or something like that. It’s like, that was kind of like growing up, that was my exposure to the idea of trans people. And I think that for a lot of people, that was kind of it. And then you had this tiny window where media was trying to. Give trans people more of a platform to create a will and grace type moment, which that people will always point back to, will and Grace being a show on NBC improving pub, the public’s opinions of gay people.
And it just wa it just didn’t sustain. And now then you had years and years of kind of attacks and it’s now to the point where unfortunately what happens is you can, because, if I went, okay, I am going to seek out a story of a, actually Breitbart used to have a vertical on its website that was labeled black [00:54:00] crime, and you click it and it’s just.
Stories about black people committing crimes. That was all it was. And the entire strategy there was to get you to feel a certain way about, about black people and committing crimes and to really shape that. And during the first Trump administration, they kind of did that where they did like, immigrant crime where they would put out reports where they’re like here, you had some illegal immigrants committing acts of crime.
Look at this. Which, that, that strategy, it, during World War ii, the Nazis would do that. Where they’d be like, look here’s Jews who committed crimes and stuff like that. Now that happens with trans people and we’re just this tiny, little, tiny, little percentage of the population.
And it’s like, yeah, there are gonna be trans people who commit crimes and there are gonna be trans people who are weird and there are gonna be trans people who are very off-putting. Sometimes I am one of them. But it’s like, it’s just so easy for right wing outlets to, to find those examples.
Especially with the internet, especially with social media.
SHEFFIELD: Well, yeah, you got a country with, close to 400 million people in it. Of course there are going to be some assholes and some criminals of whatever demographic. Like Ben Shapiro is really mad at Candace Owens and Tucker Carlson for being antisemitic, which they appear to be.
and he, he, he keeps saying, well, that’s unacceptable. We can’t have this kind of bigotry in conservatism, and it’s. Well, you opened the door to this buddy. You are the one that said it’s great to have bigotry against immigrants or against trans people, or, whatever group or black people.
Ben Shapiro has been very racist toward black people as well. So like, they, they don’t care about how this might affect them down the road. [00:56:00] They really don’t. And so they will say whatever, whatever it takes to get them an advantage. And so that is ultimately why you do have to, if you are gonna oppose these people in the generic sense as a party, you have to stand up for everybody because it, because otherwise you’re gonna lose.
And like, and to go back to the UK labor point, so now the polling there as we’re recording today, I saw a poll that. That to your point that showed the Reform port party as the number one party and the Green party as number two. So labor isn’t even number two or, anymore.
So it’s like they’ve eaten up their own coalition and offended people because people are like, well, why am I voting for you if you’re not standing up for the people for the ideas? So like, on the left, center, left, people actually do vote for policies. So you can’t you can’t.
This is a losing strategy and all it does is make bigotry worse.
MOLLOY: Yeah. Ex. Exactly. And it’s, it’s one of those things that it’s, I just kind of have to hope, and being trans, I have to hope that, the Democrats hold strong because as there was a, there was an article that Erin Reed who she writes a newsletter called Erin in the Morning.
It’s all about trans issues. She had something that was like, why trans people aren’t feeling Gavin Newsom. Like why? If you bring up the name Gavin Newsom, some trans people kind of recoil. And it’s because, he’d have Charlie Kirk on his podcast and he’d talk about how like, Yeah, you’ve got some reasonable concerns.
And I.
understand that. And it’s like Charlie Kirk, his sense of her he said some horrible things about trans people. But you know, it’s the thing is like if you create a situation where you don’t have one party, at least one of your two major parties fighting for trans people’s rights or opposing efforts to strip trans people’s rights, and it just becomes the political consensus.
That’s very bad for trans people. Like very bad. And suddenly you have no one [00:58:00] really fighting for you. Like the Green Party in the UK is is Protran basically. But it’s one of one of those things that’s just like, you don’t wanna have a situation where there’s a consensus. Yeah.
We all agree. Trans people are bad. And Labor gave that up, like gave up trans issues because they wanted to take it off the table. They wanted to, you, they didn’t wanna get attacked about it anymore. And it turns out most people don’t cast their votes based on trans issues, pro or against.
I mean, and that both works in trans people’s favor. Against trans people. Because it makes it hard if you’re being oppressed to if no one actually cares whether or not that’s happening, which is kind of, which is kind of the reality. it’s so, so it’s like there’s very little to gain by for, from Democrats like shifting to the right on trans issues.
But you know. It’s it would be disastrous for trans people as a whole if that were to happen. And I think that’s why the, trans people are really scared and kind of, kind of freaked out right now about like, what’s gonna happen. Like, what direction is this party going in, is this going to be a party that defends trans people?
Because there are Democrats who are very good on trans rights. JB Pritzker here in Illinois very good on trans rights. He, it’s not that he’s signing a whole bunch of protran laws or talking about trans people all the time. He just, whenever it comes up, he’s just like, he puts his foot down and he says he supports trans people.
Like, that’s cool. That’s all anyone’s really asking for. And I think that had Republicans not sunk $200 million or whatever into the. For, they, them ads in 2024 that this wouldn’t be as, as much of an issue. But people saw those ads [01:00:00] and they had a very they had a very specific reaction to them, and they were like, oh, I’m seeing these all the time.
I bet this is making people feel weird. And I don’t want my party people to think that I’m weird, and so I’m gonna, like it’s gonna sit in the back of my mind. And I think that there are a lot of, like Democrats and Democratic strategists who saw that and they, they’ve inflated the weight that voters actually put on the trans issues,
Glenn Youngkin and the myth that voters are obsessed with hating trans people
SHEFFIELD: I think this, this tendency, this belief that, voters are obsessed with hating trans people. It really started after Glenn Youngin won the Virginia Governor’s wait race during Joe Biden’s presidency and, off, off your election of, 2022 and.
The thing is, like, this was another of those thermostatic elections. So the Virginia Governor race pretty much almost always goes to the person who is the party opposite of the president. That’s pretty much how it always goes. And, and today’s sec it doesn’t, it goes toward Democrats in, in the past, few decades.
And so, so Glenn Youngin won a squeaker of an election, and he did talk about trans stuff a lot and, anti COVID safety precautions and whatnot like, but people were like, oh, it was the trans issues that got him the election and this is why he won. Well, and then fast forward to four years later in 2025, well, the Republican who was running in that race, she talked pretty much only about hating trans people in her election. And she got her ass kicked by Abigail Span Berger.
So. I think, it is astonishing to me that everybody who was like, oh, voters hate trans people. Voters hate trans people. They didn’t turn around and say, oh, well voters must love trans people. Because I have a big berger won the election. And it’s like, what?
You can’t have it both ways here, guys. Like, the reality is it’s [01:02:00] just not a big issue for anybody on either side of the aisle. And so, so you should deal with that and just do what you want. If you are a Democrat and you support trans rights, just fucking do it and it’s not gonna hurt you.
MOLLOY: Yeah. Which, I, whenever I see polling about like how people view Democrats, they, it’s not so much, oh, they’re too liberal. They’re too, they’re too progressive. Whatever. It’s they’re weak. They don’t believe in anything, and I think like. That’s the worst thing to be seen as a politician, is as to not stand for anything to, to if you’re running as a Democrat.
I think that, again when you’re running on a kind of fascist agenda, like, like Trump, he doesn’t really believe anything. He, but he sells it in this strong man kind of way that in a way that Democrats just can’t, like, you can’t be like, I don’t know what I believe but I would like to raise taxes on, some top tier of earners.
It’s like something like, like that just does, it just doesn’t work that way. You’ve gotta, you’ve gotta stand for something. And that’s what I, to kind of, to circle it back to the the talk about the war to go, to come full circle on that. It’s like. Now is the chance to take a stand that has public support and to like, put your feet in the ground to say, I don’t think we should, I don’t think we should be at war with Iran, or, I don’t think we should continue to do whatever.
Like, just to say something firmly, as opposed to doing the whole like, Yeah. I can agree that Iran is bad, but Trump didn’t ask us permission before he invaded. Stuff like that. I think that especially Democrats who wanna run for president in the future, like re they [01:04:00] have to remember how much the Iraq war like weighed on.
In the 2020 or 2008 primary with Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama, she voted for to invade Iraq. And he wasn’t in a position where he had to vote on that at that point. So that, that worked out in his favor. And he spoke against the war. And I, there were a lot of, I, I think especially younger voters who resonated with that.
And it’s more that it’s like, yeah, you stood for something you believed something you took a position. You’re gonna shut down Guantanamo Bay, which didn’t happen. But, to I think that there’s this real fear among democratic politicians, especially to stand for anything to really truly stand for anything.
Because if you ask me what Kamala Harris believes. I don’t know. It’s changed over the years and she, she won’t give clear answers sometimes, and sometimes when she does, it’s just kind of talking herself in a circle. And I don’t think that resonates with people. I don’t think that resonates with voters who are, plugged in.
And it’s not so much, I do think that there’s a risk of just taking, having people who do pay attention to politics and do care about these things, just starting to tune out if it feels like no one’s fighting for them. Like, people got really excited for Zoran Ma Donni, and, because, ‘cause he had concrete, like ideas that he stood for it, that he wanted to implement as mayor in New York.
And now he’s doing that and. People seem to have, strong opinions. One, one way or another about Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, because she takes stands and she believes in things. I don’t think that anyone’s like, oh, [01:06:00] like Seth Moulton. He’s the guy I wanna like, like, I wanna get behind.
Like, he’s the one I can believe in, or, Dean Phillips or any of these like, kind of like weird rissy, kind kinds of Democrats where it’s just like, you just wanna be in power. You don’t really care what you’re asked to do after that, basically.
Liberals and progressives must move beyond criticizing others
SHEFFIELD: Yeah. Or it’s John Fetterman, but, but on, on the other side, you look at it isn’t even necessarily about ideology either. Like that’s, that is something that I do think people on in the different Sides of the Democratic Party also have to realize. So, like people, in New York have really come to like, Madani, but they also like Abigail Span Berger.
And the thing that both of them ha in, have in common in their, in their states is that they do stand for things and they fight hard for them. And that’s what people want. and in terms of your specific economic policies or whatever, people will take, take those or leave those, but they want to know that you’re on their side and they want to see you fighting for them, however you define what that is.
And we could even say that Trump himself has done that. Like that is why at least some of his people, or maybe most of them, like, that’s why they support him ‘cause they see him as fighting for them and. And so you gotta do that.
But, and so maybe let’s let’s just go to the last topic here, which is that, so as much as bad things have gotten for trans people, I, there, there have been a couple of recent controversies and one of them involving yourself on Blue Sky, but also more recently involving the New York Times columnist, Jamelle Bouie. And there’s a of people saying that Jamelle Bouie is trans phobe or that you, your are [01:08:00] yourself are not sufficiently supportive of trans people.
And this is exactly what the Christofascists want people to be doing. I don’t think that people get that, like there politics, if you are a progressive person, it has to be more than just, therapy.
Like it activism, criticizing people on the internet is not activism. You actually have to be doing something and, tearing apart people on your own side are not a hundred percent agreeing with you. Look, and even if they did something that you thought was wrong, that doesn’t mean that they have to be banished or whatever.
And I feel like, I don’t know it’s tough. I, but I haven’t, experienced it like you have. Or you wanna just say it from your side then,
MOLLOY: Yeah. So, so basically it was like five minutes before we started recording this, that I noticed a bunch of notifications on Blue Sky that were like, people who were like, I’m so disappointed in you And I’m like oh God. What? Yeah.
I guess a few days ago there was a trans woman who got in, like, disagreed with Jamelle over something and then posted something like to the effect of like, trans woman breathes Jamel Bowie, shut up. Or something like that. Like that was the post.
And it was like obviously exaggerated for effect. And he posted that and he wrote What is going on with this site? And Blue Sky can be a lot sometimes and I just wrote very weird and didn’t look into it anymore because I thought I was like, chimal is. Like he, he’s written pro-trans articles for the New York Times.
Which The New York
SHEFFIELD: Four years.
MOLLOY: Yeah. For years.
This is, he’s like, he’s gone on, on podcasts hosted by, Caitlyn Burns who’s a trans woman. He went on her podcast recently and, he’s a helpful guy and I think he’s really insightful. He’s a much, much better writer than I am.
Extremely smart. And I assumed that this was people. ‘cause every once in a while there will be people who will kind of take this [01:10:00] position of being like, oh yeah. The New York Times is evil, and anyone who works for the New York Times is also evil. And the same thing can be, people will say about the Atlantic or the Economist or any of these other legacy media type places.
And I don’t think that, like, I don’t think it’s an incorrect view to have. It’s, I it’s a view that I think people are perfectly welcome to, to hold. That they’re not gonna support someone who works for an institution. They see as harmful to them, which I totally understand that. And I kind of just assumed it was about that specifically.
But yeah I wrote “very weird.” And then I got people who were like, you called a trans woman weird. And you took his side in this, in, in this argument, and I need to like look into like what their back and forth was. But Blue Sky makes it really difficult sometimes because when one person blocks another, it becomes like almost impossible on the actual Blue Sky app to, to look up like what was said.
SHEFFIELD: Well, literally, yeah, it
MOLLOY: yeah, it just it’s, yes. Which, you know what, I think that’s probably one of the best features of Blue Sky, that it’s just like that you block and it’s a nuclear, it’s just gone. But yeah, so it’s, but I thi I think it’s, we’re at this kind of point where there’s a lot of frustration among trans people in particular because we’re not heard, we’re not often given.
Platforms in, in these elite publications to the last time the New York Times published anything by me was 2018. And like, and that was rare. And I, having that platform even at that time, like that puts me at a really different [01:12:00] level than someone whose only ability to get their voice out and to express themselves is to post on Blue Sky or Twitter or wherever and to, to maybe be frustrated with how things are going.
And, it’s just one of those, one of those things that I hope that. I hope that we can all kind of talk to each other a bit more. especially when it’s people who, who fundamentally do agree on things like, should trans people have rights, should trans people have be attacked nonstop, because it’s, we trans people need allies in this, in this, the, the way forward because trans people often aren’t going to get aren’t going to get a lot of space in the New York Times or the Atlantic.
the Atlantic today, as trans people are having, in Kansas we talked about that. What’s happening there? The Atlantic ran a piece that was like, are we sure that gay men aren’t being told that they’re trans and being forced to transition or something like that. It was in defense of effeminate gay boys or something like that.
And it’s really frustrating because they’ll give space to these, those sorts of stories all the time.
SHEFFIELD: Which by the way, that is the opinion of the Iranian MOAs. That’s literally what they do to anyone who is gay.
MOLLOY: Yeah. Which is, and so it’s one of those things where it’s like, it sucks that all of these institutions are constantly doing that. Or they’re running, the New York Times running 10 different pieces about like, are trans kids getting healthcare too easily?
It’s actually very difficult to get any sort of trans healthcare, like the idea that, oh, kids are being tricked into this and their parents don’t know what’s going on and, all this stuff. It’s just not very accurate. And the fact that, the New York Times will run, article after article on this when none of the [01:14:00] science has changed really on, on this stuff in ever in, in a decade or two.
But, the politics have changed and all these stories aren’t about like, changes in science, they’re just changes in like, well, which way is the political wind blowing? And I don’t think these outlets care that by running all these stories, what they’re doing. If you’ve run a bunch of stories that are like, is there something wrong with trans kids?
Are trans people getting healthcare too easily? You’re gonna start to think. Maybe trans people are getting healthcare too easily. Like all of that stuff, it’s gonna build up and it’s going to shift public opinion as it has. Someone was trying to look up like when the last time a trans person wrote a pro trans piece in the Atlantic, and like the most recent piece someone could find was from 2018, which is, that’s a long time.
Meanwhile they’re they’re, they have a, they have columnists who regularly post anti-trans stuff. They multiple pieces that just in 2026. And so I understand the frustration and. I don’t know how to fix that. How to fix the fact that people are angry and they’re upset and for good reason.
It sucks feeling like you don’t have a voice, and it sucks. Even if you have a voice, have a, have something of a platform that you’re, you’ll feel like you’re not doing enough with it or doing the right thing with it or wielding it in the best way possible. And so, that’s it’s a real, it’s a real challenge.
So, Yeah. Now
SHEFFIELD: Well, and it’s a challenge on both sides also, because in defense of the trans woman that was kind of initiated or became the focal point of this little mini scandal, , she’s has a small account and doesn’t have a lot of [01:16:00] followers and, he quote tweeted her saying something that was critical of him.
And, and I think that’s just bad form. Like if you’re if you’ve got a zillion followers on social media, you shouldn’t be quote, tweeting somebody who’s on your own side by and large. And even if you think they were a. You can tell ‘em in a reply that they’re a jerk. You don’t need to sick your entire followers on them and be like, Hey, look at this asshole.
Like, and so she didn’t like that. And a lot of trans people didn’t like what happened to her. So like, it’s not a thing where I think, everybody was perfect or one side was perfect. We have to like, I mean, this is, this goes back to the paradox that, the right wing, the fascists, the reactionaries, they embrace being evil.
So like the only way you can effectively oppose them is to be good and to be charitable, and to be nice to the people on your own side. And I know that sucks sometimes because sometimes people are rude and nasty and or obtuse or whatever you don’t like about it. Yes, it’s true. But we can’t we have to be respectful of our own side.
Everybody does.
MOLLOY: Cool. That’s good place. Good place to end it.
SHEFFIELD: Okay. Alright, well, yeah. All right, well then this is good and I’m glad we got to hit on all
MOLLOY: Yeah, absolutely. It’s great. Great talking to you. But yeah, I I have to now go get my dog’s food because they are hungry.
SHEFFIELD: All right, so that is the program for today. I appreciate you joining us for the conversation and you can always get more if you go to Theory of Change show where we have the video, audio, and transcript of all the episodes. And if you are a paid subscribing member, you have unlimited access to the archives and I thank you very much for your support.
It’s much appreciated. I’ll see you next time.
